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Mockery polls

The University of the Philippines College of Mass Communication (UP-CMC) held mock presidential polls last week. The results surprised both the faculty as well as UP-CMC student leaders.

Richard Gordon came in first with a vote of 139 out of 370 students who voted, followed by Gilbert Teodoro (107). Benigno Aquino III was a poor third with 48 votes, followed by Manuel Villar with 37 votes. The rest of the results may be said to have been as expected: Nicanor Perlas received 15 votes, Eddie Villanueva 5, Jamby Madrigal 3, and Joseph Estrada 1, while Vetallano (sic) Acosta and J.C. de los Reyes received 0 votes. (The College has a total student population of over a thousand, and the low turn-out may be indicative of skepticism over the process or even the actual elections themselves.)

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The 1986 restoration

If Filipinos were not massing in droves along Manila’s Epifanio de los Santos Avenue in celebration of the 24th anniversary of EDSA 1 this year, it was because most of them had forgotten or never really knew what exactly was being commemorated. Some of those who do remember, however, don’t see what the fuss is all about, and would go along with the self-serving assessment of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. that EDSA 1 was “a failure.”

If the attitude of the latter suits Marcos fine, the amnesia of the former is equally agreeable to some of the principal actors and beneficiaries of EDSA. They’ve been saying for years that People Power — the means through which the government of Ferdinand Marcos fell in 1986 in EDSA 1, and which in 2001 forced Joseph Estrada out of Malacanang in EDSA 2 — is better left to future generations to remember and appreciate.

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A matter of ethics

It shouldn’t be solely a matter of law. But the tempest over the Commission on Election’s warning that mass media practitioners who are candidates for public office this May or endorsers of candidates should go on leave or resign from their home media organizations has been uniformly about what the Fair Election Act of 2001 mandates.

The provision involved is Section 6.6: “Any mass media columnist, commentator, announcer, reporter, on air correspondent or personality who is a candidate for any elective public office or is a campaign volunteer for or employed or retained in any capacity by any candidate or political party shall be deemed resigned, if so required by [his or her] employer, or shall take a leave of absence from his/her work as such during the campaign period.”

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Decline and fall

The appalling state of Philippine political and government institutions was painfully on display via what was happening to and in the Philippine Senate barely a week ago — on the eve of an election campaign that promises to be no better in the results than past electoral exercises.

As in the case of the Presidency, the House of Representatives and even the Supreme Court, Senate prestige and credibility has been on the decline since 1990. From the 1950s to the declaration of martial law in 1972 among the most respected entities of government, the Senate when revived after 1986 enjoyed only a brief period of public esteem, among other reasons because of the election to that body of incompetents and clowns who slept their way through its sessions, but at least one of whom managed to be President.

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Profiting from misery

The otherwise incompetent government of Haiti — the most corrupt in the Western hemisphere — seems to be doing at least one thing right. At the prodding of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), it is keeping a close watch over its borders in the wake of UN fears that the chaos in the aftermath of the January 12 earthquake could embolden child traffickers into taking Haitian children out of the country for sale or illegal adoption, as well as sexual and other forms of exploitation.

Trafficking in children is among the most odious forms of human trafficking — the practice of luring, forcing, misleading or removing through various means men, women and children from their homes and communities to other parts of a country, or across international borders. It is illegal in most countries including the Philippines, where, however, human trafficking nevertheless flourishes.

Most Filipinos are familiar with the cases of women lured from their villages to the cities on the promise of high paying jobs only to end up in prostitution or involuntary servitude. But men and women can also end up in other countries, where they are forced to labor at low wages or even none while paying off debts supposedly incurred by those facilitating their travel abroad while their passports are held by their employers. In this form the practice is a type of debt peonage, and comes close to slavery.

The sale of babies and children for adoption or other purposes, whether within national boundaries or across them, is a form of trafficking. As January was ending, the Haitian police arrested on suspicion of child trafficking ten men and women with US passports who were about to cross the Haiti-Dominican Republic border in a bus with 33 children.

Claiming to be from an Idaho, US-based Baptist group called New Life Children’s Refuge, the Americans claimed that in attempting to spirit out of Haiti (they had no documentation at all) the children whose ages ranged from two months to twelve years, they were being moved by the highest altruistic aims, which they vaguely described as “rescuing” Haitian children.

An Agence France-Presse report says that the group website is soliciting donations to bring 100 Haitian children to safety in the Dominican Republic and for volunteers to take care of the children. The website declares its purpose to be to “rescue Haitian orphans abandoned on the streets, makeshift hospitals, or from collapsed orphanages,” and says that it has leased a 45-room hotel in the Dominican town of Cabarete as a temporary shelter for the children.

It turned out, however, that 22 of the 33 children were not orphans, but had been allowed to go with the group by their parents, which raises the possibility that the parents were paid off or otherwise provided some kind of compensation. The group’s use of the Dominican Republic as a trans-shipment point also raises suspicions as to its intentions, given the vagueness of its stated purpose. Although many assume that they’re rescuing the children from devastated Haiti for adoption in the United States, in none of the group members’ statements was that ever specified.

It may very well be that the Americans are no more than the do-gooder, know-nothings — people ignorant of the implications of their actions on others as well as of other cultures — who infest the religious scene in the US. But it is also possible that they’re part of a syndicate exploiting the agony of Haiti and the often naïve openness of far too many of their countrymen to the idea of doing a good deed by paying for the privilege of adopting children from an impoverished country so they can assure them better futures in “the best country in the world.”

The arrest of the group nevertheless came in the wake of warnings by UNICEF that separation from their families as well as the hopelessness among the poorest Haitian families have made children extremely vulnerable to trafficking. UNICEF frowns on the idea of international adoptions in general, and on the separation of children from their parents, which in many impoverished countries of the world occurs with parental consent in exchange for payment. Recall how, in the Philippines, some parents have been known to allow pedophiles to exploit their children in exchange for appliances and a few dollars.

International adoptions are not permitted in many countries, and in any case are controversial, despite the much publicized adoption by US actors Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie of mostly Asian and African children. Although there is widespread approval of it in the United States, where the assumption is that such adopted children are being assured a better future, there the assumption is that not only is the adoptive culture superior, the home culture is inferior and deserves to lose its children. However, adopted children from other cultures in the US often end up as alienated from the cultural mainstream as children born into that supposedly multi-racial but nevertheless extremely racist society.

Human trafficking including trafficking in children, in which many critics include international adoptions, is among the many consequences of an unjust world order in which the elite in a handful of countries control most of the world’s resources, while the rest of the planet’s population has little or nothing. The grinding poverty and the immense disparities in development, wealth and opportunities the world order perpetuates force the poorest of the earth, including parents, to trade in their own children. But a vital part of the problem as well is that both the affluent as well as the criminal in the wealthy countries are only too willing to engage in the trade, whether in the illusion that they’re doing the children a favor, or for gain. Either way profit, whether emotional or material, is made from the misery that rules a planet of great injustice and great poverty.

(BusinessWorld)

Aftershocks

If, as CNN was reporting last week, some Haitians resent the presence of US troops in their country, it’s because US troops have been in Haiti before: in 1857, 1859, 1868, 1869, 1876, 1888, 1892, 1902, 1903, 1904, 1906, 1907, 1908, 1909, 1911, 1912 and 1913. Apparently not satisfied with just shocking and awing the Haitians with periodic displays of force to remind them who really ruled the Americas, the US also occupied Haiti in 1915, leaving the country only in 1934.

It hasn’t exactly been clear what US interests in Haiti are, apart from the political one of keeping everyone in the US backyard in line. Of course it’s been for Freedom and Democracy primarily — which is probably why the US supported the French when the latter tried to regain Haiti in the middle of the 19th century from its former slaves; for Freedom and Democracy that the US supported the brutal regimes of Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier and his successor-son Jean Claude (“Baby Doc”) from 1957 to 1987; for the same Freedom and Democracy that the US has sent in troops, the last time in 2004 so they could help oust the democratically elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide from the presidency of Haiti and install their preferred tyrant.

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High hopes and low points

Barack Obama became the 44th President of the United States and the first black to assume that post on January 20, 2009. He was elected in November 2008 on a tide of hopeful support both at home and abroad. Both at home and abroad, many people thought that his term would be unlike that of his predecessor’s, and that, on the contrary, it would address and bring to a satisfying close some of the issues that had haunted the US for eight years, including the war of several fronts the fight against terrorism had become.

The hopes were understandable. The US economy was in shambles, with jobs lost, manufacturing plants shut and many facing uncertain futures. Worse of all, as Obama noted in his inaugural speech, while the economic and social indicators of the crisis were evident — “ Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet,” “less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.”

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